The Mexicanization Of Rural California
By Elaine Allensworth and Refugio Rochín
The Mexicanization of Rural California
I understand that 30-40 years ago [that city] was a really nice town
mostly Anglo, with nice homes. Then it got into trouble. They lost
their police department. It's not nice anymore. There are a lot of crimes.
(June 1997)
This is [one of ] the poorest [cities] in the State of California.
In all honesty, I wouldn't live in here. It's changed over the years. People
ask me 'why do you want to work out there in Murdersville?' Lots
of dead bodies are found here 'Aren't you afraid you're going to be shot?'
They've got their own little mafia over in [that city].
That's a Mexican Town. (June 1997)
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The place described by two people in 1997 is a small town located at
the base of the mountains of a national park, surrounded by orchards, in
the heart of the San Joaquin Valley. The entire economy of the city, and
of the surrounding area, depends on agriculture. Most of the population
is Mexican or Chicanos, but there are a number of Anglos and Asians. It
is a small, quiet town, with a bad reputation.
It's easy to transport yourself to Mexico walking around that community.
The smell of tortillas and tamales as you pass local restaurants, the Mexican
music flowing from car radios, the men with jeans, cowboy boots and hats,
the voices speaking in Spanish. Once you have visited it, it is not surprising
to find that people call it, and many other communities in rural California,
a "Mexican town."
Over the past 30 years, this town has gone through a dramatic transformation,
from being mostly non-Latino White in the 1960's to being almost completely
Latino in 1990.1 Similar demographic shifts are occurring in small towns
throughout California. California's population, which increased by some
6 million people in the 1980's, is continuing to grow by a net amount of
about 300,000 per year, or 800 every 24 hours. In fact, according to the
U.S. Bureau of the Census, California's Latino population grew from 7.7
million in 1990 to 9.9 million in 1997, a 29% gain. Most of this growth
is in metropolitan areas, but there has been a large growth of population
in rural communities. Many of the new residents are immigrants from Mexico
and Central America (SCR 43 Task Force, 1989; Rochín and Castillo,
1995). California is the biggest, but not the exclusive, state with Latino
growth. The Latino population has grown in every state in the nation from
1990 to 1997, from 22.3 million in 1990 to 28.3 million in 1997.
Until 1970, most rural communities in California were largely populated
by non-Hispanic Whites.2 But during the 1970's, and accelerating during
the 1980's and 1990's, the White/Latino proportions changed dramatically
so that some communities became almost completely Latino. While Latinos
were once numerical minorities within barrios of communities, they have
now become the majority in many places. At the same time, socio-economic
indicators changed to reveal disturbing underclass conditions in rural communities
with high proportions of Latinos. Looking at cross-sectional data for 1990,
the facts indicate more poverty, unemployment, and lower income and education
where Latinos have concentrated, as in "Mexican Towns" (Castillo,
1991; Allensworth and Rochín, 1995). Furthermore, rural Latino enclaves
now lack essential housing, health and social services, and there are fewer
businesses to cover basic necessities, medical services, pharmaceuticals,
and recreational activities (SCR 43 Task Force, 1989).
It is easy to view the phenomenon of "Mexicanization" as negative
and the reason for the bad reputation of "Mexican Towns." It is
also tempting to view the demographic and economic changes that are occurring
as a simple result of increasing immigration, i.e. of Mexicanization. But
the facts of the matter are much more complex. "Mexicanization"
has taken place in nearly every town and community of California. Even the
rich and prosperous communities have added more Latinos. That is, there
has been greater Latino growth in many prosperous communities which do not
bear the reputation of "Mexican towns." What is often ignored
in people's assessment of "Mexicanization" is that all communities
change, for good or bad for a number of reasons. There are numerous processes
occurring daily, such as non-Hispanic White emigration, industrial restructuring,
and increasing economic polarization across places. It also must be asked
why such places have been labeled, derogatorially, "Mexican towns,"
while neighboring rural places have not. In short, we need to study the
dynamics of the Mexicanization phenomenon in order to understand what's
going on in rural California.
The book analyzes the Mexican experience in the Pacific Northwest from the early twentieth century to the contemporary period.
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