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by Refugio I. Rochín, Director, JSRI Most Americans have never heard of The Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, yet it is one of the most far reaching treaties of American history. Signed on Feb. 2, 1848, more than 150 years ago, The Treaty served to end the U.S.-Mexican War, a war declared against Mexico by the U.S. Congress on April 23, 1846. As winners of the War, the U.S. took from Mexico the land area of Texas, New Mexico, California, Arizona, Nevada, Utah, and half of Colorado, representing nearly 50% of Mexico's former territory. In return for this huge estate, the U.S. paid Mexico $15 million, which in those days was still a pittance for such precious land. The Treaty also defined the border between the United States and Mexico, a border which has remained mostly the same along the Rio Grande, with the exception of the Gadsden Purchase (called The Treaty With Mexico of Dec. 30, 1853) and the purchase of Chamizal land near El Paso, Texas. One may ask, "If The Treaty with Mexico is so important, then why isn't it emphasized in courses of American history?" Why doesn't it receive attention like the Louisiana Purchase from France (1803), or the acquisition of Alaska from Russia (1867), known as Seward's Folly? That is an excellent question. The general response from many scholars of the Southwest is that The Treaty is another broken promise, an embarrassment of the American past; i.e. it shouldn't be taught as such. For some, The Treaty is to be ignored because it makes concessions to Mexico, promises which the "gringos" never intended to keep. Carey McWilliams, in his classic book: North from Mexico: The Spanish-Speaking People of the United States, (1948) sums up the concerns with The Treaty with this one liner:
To understand the wisdom of McWilliams, and others of the same view, we need only a brief look at the Treaty's provisions to understand the meaning of annexation. It would also help to know why the treaty was signed and why it became another false promise of "American History." When signed by the U.S. and Mexico, the original Treaty had 23 Articles and all sorts of wording to protect Mexicans and Americans within the new frontier, the new American southwest. The Treaty's first paragraph read as follows:
Immediately following this remarkable title, The Treaty begins with Article I which says:
No doubt when the Treaty was signed in February 1848, such language was readily welcomed by Mexican officials for a number of reasons. There were two decades of serious conflict in the background that precipitated the war, including the U.S.'s unilateral annexation of Texas in 1845. Although Texas had been declared an independent republic in 1836 by former Mexican residents like Moses Austin and his son Stephen, Mexico broke off diplomatic relations with the U.S. in 1845 on the grounds that the annexation of Texas was an act of hostility toward Mexico. Mexico was also reacting against the increasing influx of pro-slavers, land grabbers and other Americanos who kept entering the territory of Mexico through the porous openings of Texas. On the other hand, the United States declared war on Mexico in May 1846 over disputes for land between the Nueces and the Rio Grande. According to Meier and Ribera, in Mexican Americans/American Mexicans (1993, p.62), what both nations would not admit was that the war was not just over land, but a struggle between two "races," cultures, and religions. By signing The Treaty, Mexico would end the wrath of President Polk and Gen. Zachary Taylor, who in their heyday, had American troops go all the way to the Valley of Mexico in a show of force under Winfield Scott. It was near the capital that the American soldiers slaughtered the 100 "Niños Heroes," Mexican cadets, in mid-August 1847. The Treaty was signed with the hope of curbing U.S. zealism, widely proclaimed in the U.S. press as "Manifest Destiny," a form of national supremacy philosophy which made it easy for Congress to appropriate $10 million for the War and an American army of 50,000 men. Not only would The Treaty bring an end to the American drive, it would offer to Mexico more promising relations between the colosis of the north and the struggling Mexican nation - a nation which had barely achieved independence from Spain in 1821. Ultimately for both signers of the Treaty, there would be more money to resolve their separate differences with Apaches, Comanches, Ute, and other native peoples. The Treaty would be especially helpful for Mexico to resolve other internal conflicts, like the pending cessation of Yucatán from the government of Mexico. Shortly after The Treaty was signed in February, however, America's Congress began reneging on some of its provisions. The U.S. Congress delayed nearly four months, from Feb. 2, to May 30, 1848, to ratify the lines of the Treaty. During this period both Mexican and U.S. representatives deliberated over the articles and worked out protocols of agreement. But Americans made significant changes that the Mexicans had to accept. According to Prof. Richard Griswold del Castillo, a leading historian of The Treaty, paragraphs that did not suit certain U.S. Senators and President Polk were simply deleted or re-phrased without careful consideration of Mexican concerns. Article X, for example, was simply erased from the original treaty. Article X on Property Rights read originally as follows:
The Treaty entered into force on July 4, 1848, a date when Americans
celebrated Independence. But without Article X, Mexicans who held title
to Spanish and Mexican land grants, soon found their U.S. holdings in jeopardy
and/or confiscated outright. Within two decades of 1848, Mexicans who stayed
on their Mexican land grants would lose hundreds of thousands of acres of
prime land throughout the Southwest. There were over 800 titles of such
Mexican grants to contend with. Anglo takeover of land grants took place,
piece by piece, in bogus U.S. court cases. Hundreds of Mexican families
were summarily evicted from their own land, losing U.S. court decisions
which challenged the Mexican system of measuring property against the U.S.
system of registering land by courts and counties. David Montejano's award
winning book: Anglos and Mexicans in the Making of Texas, 1836-1986, quotes
T.R. Fehrenbach (on p. 52) who wrote: "what is usually ignored is the
fact that the hacendado class, as a class [of Mexicans or Tejanos] was stripped
of property perfectly legally, according to the highest traditions of U.S.
law." To date, there are few descendants of Tejanos, Hispanos (of New
Mexico) or Californios, or other families of Mexican heritage, who can say
they are living on former Mexican land grants, properties they should have
inherited. In short, their rights to land grants were stripped away by "Gringo"
courts in the aftermath of The Treaty. As land grants changed into Anglo holdings, there were fewer cases to keep alive the provisions of the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo. There was even outright derision of The Treaty itself. To wit, in another quote from Montejano's book (p. 14): "The two races, the American distinctively so called, and the Spanish Americans or Mexicans, are now brought by the war into inseparable contact. No treaties can henceforth dissever them; and the inferior must give way before the superior race After the war, when the 40,000 soldiers now in Mexico shall be withdrawn, their places will be soon more than supplied by a still greater number of merchants, mechanics, physicians, lawyers, preachers, schoolmasters, and printers. In the towns of the valley of the Rio Grande, American stores are already established; the Mexicans themselves resort to these stores because they can there buy cheaper than of their own merchants; as for the Americans, we know him, he will never relinquish the right of trading, he would go to war again." (Dr. Ashbel Smith, Former Secretary of State, Texas Republic, Feb. 22, 1848.) Little wonder why provisions of The Treaty fell into historical demise. It was all but ignored in the United States until the 1940's and 50's, when Chicano activists renewed the cause for Mexican rights in the Southwest. Scholars like Carlos Castaneda, Carey McWilliams, Ernesto Galarza and Julian Samora wrote of The Treaty as a Chicano "bill of rights" for Mexicans along the border. They also documented the lessons that rightly spoke of Anglo injustices against Mexicans on the U.S. side of the border. All this time, between 1848 and a century later, Mexico had little say in what the U.S. did in terms of The Treaty's provisions. Mexico was dwarfed by the powerful giant of the north. With the 150th anniversary, The Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo is going through a revival of sorts. It is the topic of a recent conference and the theme of a forthcoming book, both by the Southwestern School of Law in Los Angeles and their Southwestern Journal of Law and Trade. Of considerable interest are two remaining articles of The Treaty: Article V on the Boundary Line and Article IX on Civil and Religious Rights. Article V on the Boundary Line says the following:
To scholars of Chicano studies, The Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo is the beginning point of the Chicano peoples, the inheritors of Aztlán, the former Mexican territories of the Southwest. The Treaty established a border which distinguished Mexican-Americans, or Chicanos, from Mexicans living below the border. The earliest Chicanos were, or course, the Mexicans who chose to stay in the annexed region of the U.S. Chicanos, therefore, became a population of America, but of Mexican descent. Today, "Chicano" relates to people of Mexican descent who live largely in the Southwest. At issue today in Aztlán are Chicano and Hispano claims to property, civil rights, the preservation of culture and a number of similar matters. Some of the interest in The Treaty concerns the "Gringo" way of drawing a line and enforcing the American concept of "border." Given the language of Article V, we should ask: Was the borderline to be "religiously respected" in terms of welcoming Mexicans into the U.S.? Or, was the "border" meant to make a hard delineation between the U.S. and "Mexicans" south of the border? Were there provisions for more freer flow of the Peoples across the border? Or, was the "border" designed as a measure of control, as today, wherein all persons within the United States have to become assimilated, monolingual and dominated by Norte Americanos? Granted, the U.S.-Mexico border is long, some 1,900 miles from the far east of Brownsville, Texas to the extreme west of San Diego, Calif. This can be seen on the map of the region. Between Brownsville and San Diego there are numerous border towns. These 'towns,' now large metropolitan communities, serve as market centers and places for international migration routes and controls. The towns also serve the main routes running from the interior of Mexico into the United States. These arteries carry labor, food, money, tourists, traffic, and drugs. The 'border towns' are throbbing with ambitious migrant workers, INS members of la migra, and growing numbers of young and old who swarm to the region to work in maquilas (industrial plants). The larger border towns include, San Diego/Tijuana, Calexico/Mexicali, Nogales/Nogales, Agua Prieta, El Paso/Ciudad Juarez, Piedras Negras, Laredo/Nuevo Laredo, and Brownsville/Matamoros. Despite the diversity of the border, does that mean that The Treaty of Guadalupe has no meaning or bearing on today's conditions? Shouldn't the U.S. strive to recognize the former Treaty as a sign of peace and a commitment to justice with Mexico? Despite the border's length and range, does the U.S. have to administer harsh justice, more police and surveillance along this frontier? We ask, do Chicanos on the north and Mexicans on the south of the U.S.-Mexican border have the respect and civil treatment as in the case of Canadians who live along the border with the U.S.? Since World War I, the border between the U.S. and Mexico has been more of a contentious zone of military and cultural conflicts. And the region is under greater tension today than at the time of the Mexican and U.S. War. The tendency of Spanish speaking Mexicans to concentrate in the Southwest has been fairly permanent and cumulative, building more need to resolve current tensions. With increasing Mexicanization of the Southwest, the border zone continues to sustain distinctive Mexican legacies and characteristics. Along the border, the Spanish-Mexican influence permeates all lives, it is an influence that cannot be cut out of the widening cultural zone within the U.S. In this zone, the idea of being a Mexican "immigrant" is very distinct from the notion of being an immigrant from Asia or Europe. From the Mexican point of view, there is no major ocean dividing sojourners. There is no abrupt change in culture, history or tradition. For the immigrants crossing the Pacific or Atlantic oceans there must surely be more psychological and sociological differences experienced from crossing the wide expansion of ocean, certainly a more abrupt transition. For most Mexicans with a history of family in the United States, entering the United States is returning to a homeland, a piece of their history and tradition. All this makes The Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo a more significant treaty today, because it made provisions 150 years ago for the incorporation of Mexicans into the U.S. But regardless of the cultural and historical zone of the border's region, The Treaty has been violated many times by U.S. unilateral actions. For at least a century the U.S. has not honored the language of the Treaty. Little has come forth from the U.S. Congress to indicate that the border area is "religiously respected" by the United States. Consider the recent act by President Clinton, which will assuredly be passed by Congress. On Feb. 3, 1998, one day after the 150th anniversary of The Treaty, President Clinton proposed a record $4.2 billion for the Immigration and Naturalization Service, including hiring 1,000 more Border Patrol agents and 430 more inspectors for the ports of entry. These additional numbers, if proposed, would almost build the size of the Border Patrol to the size of the Congressionally-approved army for Gen. Taylor, (an increase from 3,965 today to 8,378 by September 1999) which allowed him to win the War with Mexico in 1847. The proposal for the fiscal year beginning Oct. 1, 1998 is an increase of $413.4 million over current levels and would mean the INS budget will have quadrupled this decade. The President's plan also calls for spending $211 million for a second straight year to overhaul the INS' much criticized naturalization program through which immigrants become citizens. The Presidents' plan would give $500 million to states to defray some of the costs of jailing criminal immigrants and help to forestall political pressure from states along the border. Now consider Article IX on Civil and Religious Rights:
With regard to Article IX, The Treaty seemed to provide for the legal, political, social, cultural, and to a degree, psychological inclusion of Mexicans into the United States. The Treaty seemed to indicate an American responsibility for providing respect and harmony between Mexican and U.S. people, giving special recognition to Spanish-speaking Chicanos as U.S. citizens. However, today, it is almost impossible for Mexicans in the U.S. to be integrated into American society. The conditions of employment, housing, discrimination, and the treatment by "gringos" of Chicanos as sub-citizens are especially contentious along the border. There are many instances of police abuse, segregation, and subjugation involving Anglo dominance over Chicanos who have citizenship status. There are issues of rights to passage, rights to Spanish/English maintenance, translations and translators in public services, the rights of Chicano children of undocumented parents to an education in U.S. public schools, etc. There is considerably more disharmony, lack of respect and protection of Mexican identity and civil rights for Mexicans and their descendants within the Southwest than ever before. In sum, as most recent articles point out, the border disputes of old have not been resolved between the United States and Mexico. There is little respect for Chicanos to enjoy freedom of liberty and property.
Part of the interest of today's Chicanos in The Treaty has to do with the fact that they are the most adversely affected people within the border zone. Yet, they are most affected by exclusion from U.S. policies and laws that are crafted with Mexican politicians. They are at the forefront of border conflicts and tensions, sometimes being pitted against Mexicans to the south and Anglos of their border towns. They are asked to bear the brunt of the frontier conditions by taking sides, either for or against Anglo or Mexican policies. In short, Chicanos are the most important stakeholders in any negotiation between the two nations. The Treaty of 1848 that created Chicanos as a separate and identifiable population is, in my opinion, the reason why Chicanos must be factored into all future negotiations relating to the Mexican border and the immigrants from Mexico. Chicanos should provide "voices" and be heard for their concerns about border controls, NAFTA negotiations, language rights, cultural citizenship, schooling for U.S. born mejicanos, etc. Chicanos should not be further marginalized by exclusion from national policies and programs along the border and within the Southwest. The Treaty that built the zone of landless Chicanos, abuses of civil rights, should be re-evaluated by both Mexico and the United States, including Chicanos. However, it is highly unlikely that The Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo will be the basis for future policies and U.S. decision-making along the border. Conditions have deteriorated so much along the border that too few leaders believe in the possibility of creating a more open door. But, on the other hand, the Treaty should not be ignored as a part of American history. Maybe if it is taught in K-12 and studied, article by article, maybe, just maybe, our youth will see another side of Mexico and a clearer reality of "Gringo Justice." Maybe, just by hope, The Treaty can revive in the hearts and interest of Chicanos, Anglos, and Mexicans a new model for building better relations of peace, respect and promise between historic neighbors and the region of the Southwest. Maybe Americans would begin to understand the wisdom of McWilliams and the writings of Chicano scholars who note correctly that "Mexicans did not come to the United States; the U.S. annexed them by conquest."
Latino Youth and the Nation's Future by Refugio I. Rochín
With declining birth rates and increasing life spans the White and Black populations are aging. In contrast, some 37.8% of the Hispanic population was under the age of 19 (in 1990); likely, this percentage has increased substantially since then. The implications of this national demographic transformation are enormous. By 2030, there will be about 65 million Whites and Blacks over 65 years of age. While in 1960, there were some 17 people working for every retired person, today the number is three to one; by 2030, it could easily be two to one. The nation will be depending on the youthfulness of the Latino population and its burgeoning size not only to support and serve a top-heavy layer of retirees, but also to remain competitive in the global economy. But will Latino youth be able to meet this tremendous challenge, or will the shaky demographic pyramid collapse? Some disturbing facts confront us: o Only 52.1% of Hispanics between the ages of 18 and 24 completed high school in 1990, compared to 81.7% of Whites and 75.1% of Blacks. o Hispanic high school dropout rates for those between 16 and 24 were 32.4% in 1990, compared to 13.2% for Blacks, and 9% for Whites. o Only 12% of Hispanic 22 year olds attain a bachelors degree, compared to 15% of Blacks and 25% of Whites. o The poverty rate among female-headed Latino households is 56%, compared to 32.1% for Whites and 52.7% for Blacks. o Hispanics are too often erroneously perceived and treated as foreign-born in a society with growing xenophobia. A backlash in states like California is abolishing programs and policies (e.g., Affirmative Action) designed to help Latinos and others get ahead educationally and economically. o Many Hispanic youth suffer from a widespread ignorance of their own heritage and are troubled by government attempts to label their identity. Should they be Hispanic, Latino, Chicano, Boricua, raza? Meanwhile, stereotypical depictions of Latino youth abound; juvenile delinquents, gang-bangers, graffiti "artists," and "wet-back" migrants. o Latino youth are not fully participating in today's technological society. The Tomas Rivera Center* reports that only one Latino household in eight has access to a home computer (less than half the figure for non-Hispanic Whites). According to the TRC 1996 report, "low educational attainment, high poverty rates, and lower-skill occupational status contribute to explaining why Latinos are lagging behind society in finding the on-ramps to the information highway." o Currently, the fastest growing segment of the U.S. population is also the fastest growing pool of low- and unskilled laborers. Meanwhile, in this post-industrial economy, the stock of jobs requiring little or no education is evaporating. Considering these patterns (and other disturbingly similar statistics and facts that could be reported), will Latino youth be adequately prepared for the vital role they are destined to fulfill? Will they be able to gain the education and develop the skills to fill positions in the economy being vacated by aging Whites and Blacks? Will they become productive members of society, prepared to perform the work that will sustain and promote the nation's prosperity? Will their social and political relationships with non-Hispanics be harmonious? If the answers to these and other such questions are negative, the very future of America as the greatest nation on earth looks bleak indeed. Education is key to turning these answers to the affirmative. Recently, while delivering a stirring university graduation speech, a Chicano student activist proudly proclaimed that his father didn't finish high school and could barely read English. He never helped him with his homework, nor ever went to school to intercede when there was a problem. But, nevertheless, he said, he owed everything to his father for teaching him how to get up in the morning. He owed his father for teaching him a work ethic and teaching him that education is the key to upward mobility in this country. His father should know because the best way to really understand these important facts is to be among the uneducated. Employers will only gain by investing more of their resources in and partnering with higher education to assure the employability of this growing population of Latino workers. If such educational alliances work, then Latinos will be enabled to take their rightful place as the most valuable component of the future U.S. labor market. Much research and thought is needed to identify opportunities for today's Latino youth and to develop strategies to inspire them to take on positive roles as workers and leaders. Indeed, we need a full-scale blueprint for investing in the future of Latino youth. Progressive programs are needed that address issues of identity, education, income and purchasing power, and deviant and criminal behavior. And such programs must be designed with an acute sensitivity to the cultural and socio-economic factors that underpin these issues. Refugio I. Rochín Director's Message | JSRI News | Employment
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Among other awards he has received are the Outstanding Scholar's Award from the National Association for Chicano Studies (NACCS), the prestigious Liberty Hill Award for community service, and the Emile Freed Award from the Southern California Social Science Library, a premier labor studies archive. He has been honored by Mexican and American universities for his scholarship and is the founder of the Chicana and Chicano Studies Foundation in California. The Award is presented annually for the best scholarship on intolerance in America. Sponsors of the center are B'nai B'rith, the Fellowship of Reconciliation, Free Inquiry, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, the National Conference of Christians and Jews, the National Interreligious Commission on Civil Rights, the National Urban League, Project Censored, and the Unitarian Universalist Association.
Maxine Baca Zinn, a professor of Sociology and a Senior Faculty Associate with JSRI, was featured in the Feb. 27 issue of The Hispanic Outlook in Higher Education in Michelle Adam's story, "Latina Feminism: Embracing Past and Future." In it, six Latina academicians describe a wave of feminism building on past strengths and embracing newfound empowerment. Dr. Baca Zinn, who specializes in the sociology of the family, race and ethnic relations, and gender, has long been interested in gender relations and changes in family and labor arrangements of women and men in varying ethnic communities. She is the author of Women of Color in U.S. Society and the textbook
Diversity in Families. Director's Message | JSRI News | Employment Opportunities | Conferences and Events | Psychology Conference | Social Capital Conference | Fellowships and Grants | News You Can Use | Latino News | Reading Matter
University of Wyoming, Director, Chicano Studies. The new Chicano Studies Program, which offers a minor in the College of Arts and Sciences, seeks a Director offering effective leadership as well as support and sponsorship to the University's Chicano student community. A candidate who is tenable at Associated or Full Professor rank, in a discipline relevant to Chicano studies, who has knowledge of programs and fields of teaching and research in Chicano/Chicana studies, and who works constructively with academic, student, administrative, and external constituencies, is preferred. Requirements include a record of continued scholarship and evidence of successful teaching; administrative experience desirable. The 3-year appointment is renewable upon review and is distinct for the faculty academic appointment. Duties include oversight of curriculum and course staffing, teaching, student academic advising, recruitment and retention, office supervision and budget management, and liaison within the academic and administrative environment. Letters of application should briefly articulate the candidate's understanding of issues and the future possibilities for Chicano Studies in higher education. Send letter, vita, and names, addresses, and telephone numbers of three references to: Associate Dean Mark Booth, Chair of CHST Search Committee, College of Arts and Sciences, Box 3254, Laramie, WY 82071. Evaluation of applications begins March 1 and continues until the position is filled. The American Sociological Association seeks a program assistant for the Minority Affairs Program. This program is designed to strengthen the training of racial and ethnic minority students in sociology. Duties include: organizing and maintaining the daily activities of the program; assisting the director in revision, production, and processing of program materials; helping to produce and edit publications; assisting with logistical arrangements for workshops and conferences; and assisting students, mentors, and organization. Qualifications include a BA or MA, strong computing skills, excellent writing, editing, and proofreading skills, strong organizational and logistical skills, initiative, and the ability to work as a team member. Send resume and cover letter to: MAP Program Assistant, American Sociological Association, 1722 N Street NW, Washington, DC 20036. Or phone 202-833-3410 x323, FAX 202-785-0146, or e-mail <howery@asanet.org>. Associate or Full Professor, Department Chair, University of California, Riverside. The Department of Women's Studies at UC-Riverside, is accepting applications for a position beginning as early as July 1, 1998. The department seeks an innovative scholar engaged in interdisciplinary, cross-cultural studies of gender, sex, and sexuality in relation to class and ethnicity, to also serve as department chair. A social science background is desired. A strong publications record, commitment to teaching excellence, and administrative or university service is required. Applicants should send a letter of application, c.v., writing samples of less than 30 pages, and 4-6 references to: Search Committee Chair, Dept. of Women's Studies, University of California-Riverside, Riverside, CA 92521. Application reviews begin March 16, 1998. Visiting Scholar, MSU. The Julian Samora Research Institute invites
applications from minority scholars with a doctoral degree in anticipation
of one or two positions as a Visiting Research Associate to begin in 1998.
We seek scholars who share our commitment to the Hispanic community and
can contribute to our research agenda. Knowledge areas are open, although
there is a particular interest in the following areas of the social sciences:
health services and access to care; identity, race, and ethnic relations;
human resource development and education; migration and immigration; rural
Latino studies; criminal justice; and labor and industrial relations. Applicants
who would like to teach a course during this period are asked to submit
an outline or syllabus for consideration by an appropriate department in
the College of Social Science. The selected scholars must be in residence
for the period of the appointment. Ph.D.'s must be complete at the time
of appointment. Proof of a doctoral degree is a condition for this appointment.
Salary is commensurate with experience. The Midwest Migrant Health Information Office (MMHIO) is accepting
applications for three job openings - a Grants Manager, a Program
Director, and an Associate Director. Associate Director of Development and Special Projects, Hunter College, New York, N.Y. Hunter College is seeking applicants who will be responsible for identification, cultivation, and solicitation of individual, foundation, and corporate prospects rated at $25,000+. The Associate Director will be a critical member of a team assigned the role of developing strategies for upgrading donors and managing a $27.5 million campaign to successful conclusion, works closely with other Development officers and areas of Institutional Advancement in prospect clearance and tracking, and the management of solicitation activities. Candidate must have college degree with 5-7 years of fundraising experience, corporate/foundation relations, and/or special gifts experience preferred. Excellent communications skills essential. To apply, send resume to: S. Radinsky, D.O.D., Hunter College, 695 Park Avenue, New York, NY 10021. Tenure Track Faculty Position in History and U.S. Latino/a Studies. The Department of History and the U.S. Latino/a Studies Program at Iowa State University invites applications for a tenure-track, cross-disciplinary position in U.S. Immigration History and Latino/a Studies. The appointment will likely be at the assistant professor rank, but an exceptionally qualified candidate may be hired at an advanced rank. The successful candidate will teach half-time in the Department of History and half-time in the U.S. Latino/a Studies program. The appointee will teach one-semester courses in introductory U.S. Latino/a history and U.S. immigration history, an upper division undergraduate course in U.S. Latino/a history, a graduate course in U.S. migrant labor history, and, if needed, the introductory course in Latino/a Studies and/or introductory course in U.S. history. The appointee will conduct a research program in U.S. Latino/a history and/or U.S. immigration history and participate in the Department of History's doctoral program in Agricultural History and Rural Studies. A Ph.D. in History, with specialties in Latino/a history and U.S. immigration history, is required as is evidence of quality teaching and research potential. Salary is competitive and based on experience and qualifications; minorities and women are encouraged to apply. Forward a statement summarizing interests and skills applicable to the position, curriculum vitae, publications, and at least three letters of recommendations to: James M. McCormick, Chair, History/Latino/a Search Committee, c/o Associate Dean Zora Zimmerman, College of Liberal Arts and Sciences, 351 Catt Hall, Iowa State University, Ames, IA 50011. Applications must be received by March 20. Tenure Track Faculty Position. The Department of Chicana/o Studies, California State University Northridge, invites applications for a tenure track position commencing in the Fall 1998 semester in the area of Central American Studies in the United States and of Chicana/o Studies. The position will require teaching and developing courses on Central America as well as lower division survey courses in Chicana/o Studies. It also requires integrating Central American studies, with attention to gender issues, into the existing curricula. The LA region has close to one million Central Americans and the professor will work closely with them. Candidates should possess a doctorate degree, its equivalent, or ABD (Ph.D. to be completed before employment), excellence in teaching and research, a commitment to Latino communities, and expertise in Central American studies. Preference will be given to applicants with relevant teaching experience, scholarly involvement, and publications in Central American studies. Salary: in the range of the rank of Assistant Professor. Send a letter of application, curriculum vitae, three letters of recommendation, evidence of teaching experience, and student evaluations, copies of publications or sample of recent writing, and syllabi of Chicana/o and Central American studies courses taught. Application Deadline: March 16, 1998 or until position is filled. Send applications and materials to: Chair, Personnel Committee Chicana/o Studies Department, California State University, Northridge, Northridge, CA 91330-8246. Mexican-American History, University of North Texas. Candidates must have a Ph.D. in History or complete all degree requirements by June 1, 1998 for consideration. The successful candidate will teach graduate and undergraduate courses in Mexican-American History and the U.S. History survey, and implement and coordinate a minor in Mexican-American Studies. Applications are being accepted and reviewed until the position is filled. Send application letters, C.V., and at least three letters of reference to: Richard M. Golden, Chair, Mexican-American History Search Committee, Department of History, P.O. Box 310650, University of North Texas, Denton, TX 76203-0650. The California State University, Northridge is accepting applications for Part-Time Faculty Positions in the Chicano Studies Department. These positions will be to teach in any of the following areas related to the Chicano/Latino in the U.S.:
Program Officer, Human Services, The George Gund Foundation, Cleveland, Ohio. The selected applicant will review, select, and present proposals for discussion and recommendation to the Board of Trustees, monitor funded programs, identify the foundation's role in emerging issues and articulate or suggest foundation responses; develop connections and work with Cleveland-area and state-wide human services and other non-profit organizations, and represent the foundation. Qualifications include strong and diverse experience in human services and/or related fields, and an understanding of and experience with non-profit organizations and human services issues. An experienced grant seeker and writer is preferred. The qualified candidate will possess strong analytic and communications skills, an interest in public policy, the ability to write clearly, succinctly, and under time pressure, and have the ability, through analysis, questioning, informal research, and site visits, to understand the feasibility of proposals. A demonstrated understanding of the political dynamics of urban areas and the ability to effectively handle leadership roles is desired. A B.A. degree and a minimum of 7-10 years of relevant experience is required. To apply, send cover letter and resume to: Susan Himmelfarb, Search Consultant, 711 Superior Street, Oak Park, IL 60302, or fax (708) 848-8001. Director's Message | JSRI News | Employment
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News | Reading Matter 1998 Latino Graduate Training Seminar in Qualitive Methodology and Fellowship Program - Interpreting Latino Cultures: Research and Museums, June 29 - July 10, 1998. This seminar will bring Latina/o graduate students from across the country to work together with distinguished Latina/o faculty, Smithsonian professionals, and curators and archivists from other national collections. Participants will explore issues of qualitative research and the representation and interpretation of Latino cultures in museums and archival collections. This program supports the career development of Latina/o graduate students and exposes them to research and career opportunities in museums and other public-orientated humanities institutions. The program aims, over time, to increase the number of Latinas and Latinos in institutions of higher education and museums. Eligibility: Latina or Latinos currently enrolled in a graduate program in any U.S. university are eligible. The workshop will be limited to 15 participants. Seminars will be conducted at the Smithsonian Institution, and students will visit various Smithsonian museums, tour exhibits and collections, and participate in panel discussions and presentations. Visits to the National Archives and the Library of Congress are also planned. Students will stay in double-occupancy dorms at George Washington University in Washington, D.C. Air flights, local transportation to the Smithsonian, and housing are covered, and all participants will receive a stipend as partial financial assistance to cover meals and incidental costs. For an application, contact: Magdalena Mieri, Center for Museum Studies, A&I #2235, MRC 427, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, DC 20560, phone: 202-357-3101 or email: mmieri@ic.si.edu. Applications are also available at http://www.si.edu/organiza/offices/musstud.htm and must be postmarked by March 27, 1998. Applications by fax or email will not be accepted. Awards will be announced May 11, 1998.
The Border Academy. The U.S.-Mexican Borderlands Under Pressure: Conflict, Cooperation, and Compromise. June 21 - July 4, 1998. The Border Academy is an intense, two-week program examining the political, economic, and social issues shaping life on the U.S.-Mexican border. Presented annually by the University of Arizona Mexican American Studies and Research Center, in cooperation with the Columbia University Biosphere 2, the Border Academy links the past and present while providing insight into today's complex world on the border. The Border Academy offers a dynamic, interdisciplinary curriculum, where students earn six units of graduate credit, and promotes an understanding of the cultural contributions and the political and economic realities on both sides of the border. The Border Academy, which brings together a diverse group of people who share the border as a common subject and focus, hosts nationally and internationally significant policymakers, performers, and scholars as faculty and lecturers. This event creates a network of Academy alumni and faculty who continue to share insights and resources, and fosters a greater sense of community on the border. The Academy will be held in the unique atmosphere of the Biosphere 2, just north of Tucson, Ariz. The Biosphere is a learning, teaching, and research facility that contains seven eco-systems within a 3-acre, airtight structure. In addition to the Biosphere, other major benefits of hosting the Academy in Tucson include the cultural resources and facilities of the University of Arizona, the city of Tucson, and the nearby Mexican-U.S. border. Lecturers this year include: Gen. Wesley Clark, U.S. Supreme Allied Commander, Europe, Doris Meissner, INS Commissioner, and Arizona Congressman Jim Kolbe. An international faculty, chosen for their insight, creative work, and teaching expertise, will lecture as well as participate in Academy activities. The Academy is organized as a series of lectures, question-and-answer sessions, exhibits, panel discussions, field trips, and performances. The themes for this year are: The historical and contemporary perspective, Migration and its impact, Economic development and environmental degradation, Drugs and crime, Social, literary, and artistic perspectives, and Binational borderlands in national and global perspectives Cost for the Border Academy is $2,700, including room and board, all lectures and tours, transportation to and from events, and pick-up and drop-off at Tucson International Airport. Inquire about available scholarships for students. Contact the University of Arizona Mexican American Studies and Research Center at 520-621-7551, or send an e-mail to <masrc@u.arizona.edu>. Director's Message | JSRI News | Employment
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News | Reading Matter Innovations is Chicano Psychology: Looking Toward the 21st Century
Friday April 17, 1998
7:30-8:45 Registration at Brody Hall
8:45-9:10 MSU Welcoming
Dr. Refugio I. Rochín, Director, JSRI
Dr. Peter McPherson, President, MSU
Ms. Dorothy Gonzales, MSU Trustee
Dr. Gordon Wood, Chair, MSU Department
of Psychology
9:10-9:30 Program Introductions
Dr. Roberto J. Velasquez, SDSU
Mr. Alberto Figueroa, Office of Ethnic
Minority Affairs, APA
9:30-10:15 Amado Padilla, Ph.D., Stanford University
Personal Reflections on Chicano
Psychology's Past and Future
10:30-11:45 Workshop I
A. Louise Baca, Ph.D., ASU
Chicana Images: A Group Treatment Model
B. Augustine Baron, Psy.D., ABPP, University of Texas
Key Psychosocial/Cultural Constructs in
Counseling Chicano College Students
C. Diana Valdez, Ph.D., University of New Mexico
Clinical Issues in the Forensic Assessment
of Chicano Youth
11:45-1:45 Lunch
JSRI Student Awards
1:45-3:00 Workshop II
A. Steve R. Lopez, Ph.D., UCLA
Shifting Cultural Lenses in Clinical
Research and Practice with Chicanos
B. Stephen Quintana, Ph.D., University of Wisconsin
Mexican-American Children's Ethnic Pride and
Internalized Racism
C. Aida Hurtado, Ph.D., UC, Santa Cruz
Ties that Bind: Mother-Daughter Relationships
in Chicano Families
D. Martin Harris, Ph.D., Southern California College
Curanderismo and the DSM-IV: Diagnostic and
Treatment Implications for Mexican American Clients
3:15-4:30 Workshop III
A. Elizabeth Vera, Ph.D., Loyola University, Chicago
Aspirations, Barriers, and Community: A Qualitative
Survey of Urban Chicano Youth and Families
B. Felipe Castro, Ph.D., ASU
Culturally-oriented Tobacco Prevention
Interventions in Chicano and Other Minority Youth
C. Gerardo Gonzalez, Ph.D., CSU, San Marcos
Bilingual Computer-Assisted Psychological
Assessment: An Innovative Method for Screening
Depression in Chicanos
D. Manuel Ramirez III, Ph.D., University of Texas
Mestizo Psychology: Recent Developments
in Theory, Research, and Practice
4:45-6:00 Young Chicana/o Professionals Poster
Session: Innovations
Malaquias Montoya, Professor, UC, Davis
Poster Autograph Session
6:00 Social Hour: Dialoguing with Pioneers
in Chicano Psychology: Una Plática
Saturday April 18, 1998
7:30-8:45 Registration at Brody Hall
8:45-9:00 Welcoming
Nelba Chavez, M.S.W., SAMHSA
9:00-9:45 Martha E. Bernal, Ph.D., ASU
Challenges and Opportunities for Chicano
Psychologists: Past, Present, and Future
10:00-11:45 Workshop IV
A. Yvette Flores-Ortiz, Ph.D., UC, Davis
Theorizing Justice in Chicano Families
B. Alberta Gloria, Ph.D., University of Wisconsin
Academic Persistence and Cultural Congruency
Issues for Chicanos in Higher Education
C. Kurt Organista, Ph.D., UC, Berkeley
Culturally Competent HIV Prevention with
Mexican/Chicano Farmworkers
D. Artemio Brambila, Ph.D. and Raquel Reyes
M.A., University of New Mexico
Providing Community Responsive Treatment
Services for Chicanos in Rural Communities
E. Fernando Soriano, Ph.D., SDSU
Cultural Variables and Cultural Measures:
Exploring New Psychometric Directions for Chicanos
11:45-1:00 Lunch
1:00-2:15 Workshop V
A. Melba Vasquez, Ph.D., Private Practice, Austin, Texas
Cultural Neutrality or Boundary Violations? Ethical
Dilemmas in Providing Services to Chicano Clients
B. Manuel Casas, Ph.D., UC, Santa Barbara
Managed Care Systems of Care ¿Que Sabemos?
Meeting the Needs of the Chicano Familia
C. Ester Rodriguez, Ph.D., ASU
Embarazadas y Maltratadas: Domestic Violence
in Pregnant Chicanas
D. Brian McNeill, Ph.D., WSU
Development of a Course in Chicano/Latino
Psychology: An Academic Odyssey
E. Star Vega, Ph.D., Private Practice, Downey, CA
and Roberto J. Velasquez, Ph.D., SDSU
Challenges for the Chicano Psychologist in Court
2:45-4:15 A Dialogue Among Chicano Pioneers:
Looking Toward the 21st Century
Amado Padilla, Stanford University
Martha Bernal, ASU
Manuel Casas, UC, Santa Barbara
Manuel Ramirez III, U of Texas
4:15-4:30 Closing Remarks
Dr. Refugio Rochín, JSRI
Dr. Roberto Velasquez, SDSU
7:00 Closing Celebration and Fiesta
Provided for Registered Participants
Director's Message | JSRI News | Employment Opportunities | Conferences and Events | Psychology Conference | Social Capital Conference | Fellowships and Grants | News You Can Use | Latino News | Reading Matter Social Capital Conference Draws International Attention An international conference on Social Capital, the first of its kind
with this much prestige and prominence, will be held April 20-22 at MSU's
Kellogg Center. More than 400 scholars, students, and practitioners are
expected at this 3-day event. This conference, entitled Social Capital: An International Conference Bridging Disciplines, Policies, and Communities, is designed to bring together researchers, students, and practitioners from different disciplines and divergent practical interests who share an interest in social capital and its consequences. The conference goal, according to JSRI Senior Associate and Conference Coordinator Dr. Marcelo Siles, is to define the essential characteristics of social capital, measure its importance, and investigate its practical applications. "We are attempting to establish a common definition of social capital that can be used by the various disciplines," Siles said. "At the same time, we are trying to determine how social capital can be used in practice by people working in community development, for non-profit organizations, and firm development and others." Three prominent scholars, who are internationally recognized and have been working for many years with the concept of social capital, will deliver the main speeches. Amitai Etzioni, from George Washington University and founder of the Communitarian and Socio-economic Societies, will be the keynote speaker on Monday, April 20. Robert Putnam, Harvard University, known for his studies in southern Italy and his paper "Bowling Alone," will be presenting the Plenary speech on Tuesday. Francis Fukuyama, George Mason University, known for his books "Trust" and "The End of History," will close the conference with a capstone speech Wednesday evening. There are seven concurrent sessions on April 22 dealing with the concept and practical uses of social capital in Family, Migration, Community Development, Education, and Nonprofit Organizations. There will be two international sessions on Global Inequalities and International Firm Development. Many international organizations, like the World Bank, Inter-American Development Bank, United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America and others, have confirmed their participation in this conference. Presenters will be from different American, European, and Asiatic universities. Director's Message | JSRI News | Employment Opportunities | Conferences and Events | Psychology Conference | Social Capital Conference | Fellowships and Grants | News You Can Use | Latino News | Reading Matter
Dairy Program Beneficial to Migrant Workers By Adrian Valerio, JSRI Student Employee Neither the cold nor the strong smell of manure deters 12 well-determined students from attaining vocational training in the dairy production industry. Michigan State University and Telamon, an organization aiding migrant workers in job placement and training, have implemented a program where students can break the trend of insecure and menial jobs that many migrant workers experience. The Dairy Training Program is an intense, 1-week program that introduces participants to all aspects of dairy production, from milking and equipment maintenance to the anatomical study of cow udders. Class sizes average around a dozen, according to Program Coordinator Juan Marinez, and there are two classes throughout the year. It is not an easy task for program participants; their day begins at 5:30 a.m. and doesn't stop for 12 hours. Telamon's role is to not only train at the Kellogg facility, but also assist students in job placement when the training is complete. Most students are already employed at dairy farms throughout the state when they enter the program, according to Marinez. Those who aren't are usually placed by the end of the program. Students working on Michigan dairy farms can increase their earning power, hold a secure job, and obtain a vocational skill in a strong and stable industry that they can carry with them wherever they go. For most, the students contend, the experience in the program is a positive one. It builds confidence in their own abilities while demonstrating the varied support of a local educational institution. Joe and Vermilya Brown recently moved from Texas to Michigan and became part of the Dairy Training program. Joe initially worked in the fields alone, although Vermilya later accompanied him because of financial reasons. "Before we heard about this program, my husband and I picked fruit; this training has taught us many aspects about dairy production. Now we look ahead to a more stable future," Vermilya explained. The couple hope eventually to own their own dairy farm and apply the skills they have. Joe Angel Mandujano, another Dairy Training Program student originally from Texas, said he heard about the program through his parents who went through the same program last year. "They were very pleased with the results," he said. Mandujano, too, would like to eventually own a farm. Greg Rodriguez and Maria Muniz came from Texas to work in the fields about six months ago. "I came to Michigan because my brother was involved in a car accident," Maria said. "Later I met Greg and we went to work in the fields, but we wanted to make a change in our lives. I think that we'll stay in Michigan for now, we like it here. We would like to buy a house in the future." Although most participants are migrant workers of Hispanic ancestry, the program was established for the advancement of all migrant workers. Jimmy Yancey and his wife, Marilee, have worked as migrants throughout the country. They have seen, firsthand, the turmoils and frustrations facing America's migrant workers. They are also thankful for the help and assistance they have received, particularly in this program. "As far as the (Dairy Training) program goes, we are very grateful to have this opportunity to improve our lives," Marilee acknowledged. Qualifications for the program vary, but are partially based on a candidate's
willingness to work and remain in the Michigan. For information, contact
Juan Marinez at (517) 353-9772, or e-mail to: marinez@msue.msu.edu. The Latin American and Latino Studies (LALS) Program and the Chicano/Latino Research Center (CLRC) at the University of California, Santa Cruz invite applications for two advanced research fellows to participate in their program, "Hemispheric Dialogue on Social and Cultural Theory and Practice in the Americas" which is supported by a Ford Foundation initiative. The theme for Summer - Fall 1998 is "Linking Struggles for Social Justice in the Americas: Transnational Organizing and Global Civil Society." Dialogue fellows work collaboratively with faculty and graduate students researching transnational issues and contributing to UCSU's planned Institute for Latin American and Latino CBO and NGO activists. Applicants must have a Ph.D. or equivalent professional experience, as well as demonstrated research capacity and expertise on issues related to transnational organizing in the Americas. At least one U.S.-based and one Latin America-based fellow will be selected. Dialogue fellows will be involved in some LALS courses and activities, give at least one public lecture and one CLRC colloquium, participate in a Fall conference, and publish an essay in our Dialogue working papers series. Fellows will be in residence between Sept. 1 and Nov. 30, 1998, and will receive a $3,000 per month stipend. Nominations and applications are due by April 15, 1998. Applicants must submit a curriculum vitae, a 3-5 page (1,000 to 1,500-word) research proposal, and two letters of recommendation. Direct applications and inquiries to Prof. Sonia E. Alvarez, Politics Department, University of California-Santa Cruz, Santa Cruz, CA 95064. Tel: (408) 459-3182; Fax: (408) 459-3125; e-mail:rachel@zzyx.ucsc.edu The National Endowment for the Humanities has created a Challenge Grants Program to encourage institutions to seek long-term financial support for improved teaching, research and public programs in the humanities through active fundraising. The program provides endowment for humanities professorships, faculty stipends, library acquisitions,humanities centers and collaboration with other cultural institutions.It also supports renovation, construction and computer technology for the humanities. The application deadline is May 1, 1998. For more information call: 202-606-8309 or email: challenge@neh.gov. You can also check: http://www.neh.gov National Hispanic Scholarship Fund P.O. Box 728 Novato, CA 94948 (415) 892-9971. Deadline: April 1 - June 15. Amount: varies Hispanic students who have completed at least 15 units of college studies. Hispanic Public Relations Association Scholarships 735 S. Figueroa St. Los Angeles, CA 90017(714) 453-0116 ext. 122Contact: Octavio Nuiry. Deadline: none. Amount: $500 and $1,000. Hispanic communications students entering or attending college. Hispanic Association of Colleges and Universities (HACU) Student Support Systems 4204 Gardendale St., #216 San Antonio, TX 78229(210) 692-3805 Contact: Antonio Hernandez, Director of Special Projects. Amount: varies. HACU offers a variety of funds and other educational opportunities for students through partnership with government agencies and various corporations, including the HACU Student Support Fund, Hispanic Education Leadership Fund sponsored by Miller Brewing Company, the HACU-GM Engineering Excellence Awards Program, HACU/Motorola Fund. Write to HACU for more information on these and other funds. Jessie Arias Scholarship Fund 181 N.E. St. San Bernardino, CA 92401(909) 384-9957 Contact: Rita Arias. Deadline: May 31Amount: $2,000 Hispanics who want to pursue careers in Law or public policy. League of United Latin American Citizens (LULAC) National Educational Service Centers Inc. 777 N. Capitol St. N.E., #305 Washington, DC 20002. (202) 408-0060Contact: Brent Wilkes. The number of scholarship opportunities for Hispanic students such as the Starr Foundation/LULAC Scholarship, the Kraft/LULAC Scholarship Program, and the LULAC National Scholarship Fund. National Endowment for the Humanities announces the May 1, 1998 deadline for applications for Fellowships for University Teachers and Fellowships for College Teachers and Independent Scholars. NEH Fellowships provide opportunities to pursue advanced research in the humanities. Projects may contribute to scholarly knowledge or to the general public's understanding of the humanities. The tenure period is from six to 12 months, the earliest beginning date is January 1999; the maximum stipend is $30,000. For application materials and information,visit the Endowment's web site http://www.neh.gov or call (202) 606-8466 for Fellowships for University Teachers, or (202) 606-8467 for Fellowships for College Teachers and Independent Scholars. Director's Message | JSRI News | Employment Opportunities | Conferences and Events | Psychology Conference | Social Capital Conference | Fellowships and Grants | News You Can Use | Latino News | Reading Matter Family Income: A Real Chance To Restore Food Stamps For Immigrants. The Clinton administration has proposed $2 billion over five years to partly restore food stamps for legal immigrants. A 1996 law eliminated food stamps for nearly 1 million legal immigrants, about half of them children; another 630,000 kids live with legal immigrant adults who may have lost food stamps. Restoration of food stamps could cost $3 billion. The loss of food stamps is causing an upsurge in the need for emergency food, according to private charities. Lisa Carr, legislative analyst for Catholic Charities USA stated in the Washington Times, "For the first time, many of our food pantries are empty and that frightens us." Charities are urging citizens to call their Congressmen and Senators and tell them to support a restoration of food stamps for legal immigrant families with children, and for the elderly and disabled. 1995 Census Update. The latest figures depicting the growth and trends in America's population have been released by the U.S. Bureau of the Census <http://www.census.gov>. The info gives credibility to projections that Latinos will become the nation's largest minority population by 2005. o Latinos became New York City's largest o Between 1990 and 1996, the 10 fastest Director's Message | JSRI News | Employment Opportunities | Conferences and Events | Psychology Conference | Social Capital Conference | Fellowships and Grants | News You Can Use | Latino News | Reading Matter
Latinos can Provide Insight through Community Dialogue
At least two Michigan State University professors have noted the obvious lack of input from Latinos and other minorities as researchers, scientists, and lawmakers banter these issues impacting all Americans. That can be troubling, according to Drs. Leonard Fleck and Howard Brody during a briefing at JSRI Jan. 29, since data is being accumulated and laws are already being formulated concerning these issues without adequate input from all sectors of America. "We're concerned about the lack of minority representation, particularly Hispanics, in the dialogue circles that have already been held," said Dr. Brody, a practicing physician who came to JSRI to explain how information has been, and is being, collected to help formulate policy on these issues. "There is clearly a gap in input from societies of color. There are some important voices in these communities not being heard." Now Brody and Fleck have turned their concerns into a new opportunity. Getting input from minority community representatives, and helping them understand how the information is collected, is their new mission. "We look at this as a new opportunity with an agenda from the past," Brody added. Neither professor wants to change data that has already been collected, they simply want to add to it. "All of these issues involve more than just one person there are families and communities that will be affected by the decisions politicians make," Dr. Fleck explained. "We need to have some kind of moral agreement. We have to talk and we have to understand how this impacts people's lives." In addition to revealing how the information has been collected through community dialogue circles, the duo also provided a sample survey and challenged the audience to consider a few actual decisions people face when it comes to biological cloning, selective reproduction, and genetic engineering. "Less than two decades ago, genetic testing was unheard of. Today you can be tested to determine if you have a degenerative disease, or if you're a carrier," Dr. Fleck said. When it comes to having children, people will have to decide whether passing on the disease is worth the joy of children or years of dread and anxiety. Then, do physicians have the right or moral obligation to inform spouses of the tests results and consequences of their decisions? These are the moral and policy issues to be addressed." The men also said that it is important, in a Pluralistic society like ours, to respect and understand the personal, religious, and ethnic issues facing all Americans today. The only way to overcome suspicions between people, communities, and government, they said, is to develop and nurture community discussions or dialogues. Dr. Brody, who has worked at the Center for Ethics and Humanities since 1980, has been its Director since 1985. He divides his time between the Center and the Department of Family Practice, where he maintains his clinical practice and helps teach medical students and residents. He also holds a part-time faculty appointment in MSU's Department of Philosophy. His associate, Dr. Fleck, is a Professor of Philosophy and Medical Ethics in the Philosophy Department and in the Center for Ethics and Humanities at MSU. Dr. Fleck's main areas of teaching and research are medical ethics, health care policy, and social and political philosophy. He is a published author and has directed many community education projects around topics of justice and health care policy. JSRI officials invited Fleck and Brody to bring their message to students, faculty, staff, and visitors as part of the Institute's ongoing community outreach commitment. What Latinos Bring to the Labor Market In the last 20 years, the United States' Latino population has become one of the most important ethnic groups. Latinos, predominantly young (median age 26.5 years), are close to becoming the largest minority group in the nation within the next five years. Immigration and relatively high fertility rates have fueled their rapid growth. Between 1980 and 1990, approximately half of the Latino growth was due to domestic births and the rest to foreign immigration. The fast-growing Latino population actively participates in the United States economy both at the supply and demand side; they offer their services in the labor markets, where Latinos represent a large part labor force, and serve as consumers, with a purchasing power of more than $300 billion per year. Latinos' participation in the labor markets is constrained by several factors - education level, skills required in most of today's jobs, the ability to communicate in English, the mismatch between the location where they live and work, the lack of public transportation, the scope and quality of their social capital, and their poverty levels. The predominantly young Latino population falls behind non-Hispanic Whites, Blacks, and Asian Americans in educational attainment. School enrollment and graduation figures, both at the K-12 system and university levels, are considerably low compared with similar figures from other groups. Latino dropout rates at the Middle and High School levels are extremely high - more than 40%. Their low educational attainment has a direct impact on the type of jobs Latinos have and in the salaries they are paid. Between 1980 and 1990 workers in general, and Latinos in particular, without some college degree, experienced a loss in their real income. High poverty rates among Latinos can be explained, in part, by their low mean household incomes and large household size. Latino households are characterized by their large numbers (mean household size 4.15). As the number of persons living in a household increases, the cost of maintaining some households increases. Usually these higher costs are offset by the incorporation of household members into the labor force (i.e., youths), leading to school dropouts and other problems that, in the long run, are reflected in the household incomes. Latino households tend to be concentrated in the inner cities where jobs are scarce due to the relocation of new industries and services outside the urban areas. The mismatch between residential areas where Latinos live and suburbs where the jobs are is exacerbated by the lack of adequate public transportation, which imposes additional burdens on impoverished Latino Households. The Latino culture promotes strong family ties which frequently cover up the extent of family needs and in some degree the entire Latino community. Relationships within the Latino community generally are strong and very cooperative. But, Latinos tend to develop few relationships with other racial or ethnic groups living in their communities; this makes them rely only on their family ties and community relationships as their social capital. Social capital of this type is another reason why Latinos are limited to certain types of jobs. This article is based on an introduction written by Dr. Marcelo Siles for his chapter in the upcoming National Council of La Raza report State of Hispanic America 1997: Strengthening Employment Opportunities for Latino Workers. The report is due for release in 1998.
State Finds Ways to Circumvent Educational Support by Dr. Edgar Leon Michigan Department of Education's new field services unit will be instituted next month for the purpose of supplanting federal money which is earmarked for migrant education services. By setting this new system, local school districts will be able to supplant, and not supplement, their federal migrant education funding. The state departments' new unit will put the migrant education money into one large school pot. This practice may not only hinder and reduce the quality and delivery of educational services to migrant children around the state, it may reduce incentives for school districts to maintain migrant education service. A shortcoming of the plan is the fact that parents of migrant children do not have the political power, educational level nor the resources to stop the department from changing the migrant and bilingual programs into a generic service center. This could mean that migrant education will not be an essential part of the department staff of migrant education consultants. It has been said in department meetings that "the school improvement plans for each district will take care of the learning issues." However, this is an assertion of decision-makers who do not work directly with the Latino - migrant bilingual programs as the main focus of discussion. The migrant bilingual units are being criticized by other state officials who question programs for Spanish-speaking children, in general. Again, there are few migrant worker community representatives to oppose the negative views. Federal law dictates that Migrant program funds be targeted for direct services to migrant students, not entire schools like Title I and other programs are. The law is very clear when funds are released to the states. Appropriations are for migrant education and not for general education, supplanting, and commingling with other funds. The percentage taken for migrant education state administration must also be targeted for migrant education administration and not for general education issues and other programs. However, under the new system, the money would end up in the hands of 19 consultants and supervisors who have 10 other state programs and hundreds of schools to attend to, in addition to programs for migrant children. This may open the department for a federal audit. Furthermore, the quality, quantity, and value of time to help migrant children will become impossible to document. Another new idea is to have outside contractors teach the new field services consultants. There is no way that an outside contractor can teach these new 19 consultants all the content, educational theory, educational technology, statistics and research, child development, migrant education law, migrant child advocacy, and other specific content areas needed to be effective as a consultant. Teacher unions, worker unions, parents, and advocates should pay attention to what is being done within the department of education. The sad part is that migrant bilingual children will again be marginalized. Dr. Leon is a JSRI Associate, who formerly worked here
as a Postdoctoral Fellow, and continues his works with the Michigan Department
of Education's Migrant Education Program. Chicanos y Boricuas, a Common Struggle by Victor Rodriguez This year we commemorate two dramatic historical events: The 100th anniversary of the Spanish-American War and the 150th anniversary of the signing of the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo. These events are intertwined in ways that are not always clear to Chicanos and Boricuas, though they initiated a series of developments that led to the colonization of Puerto Rico and neo-colonialization of Mexico, and the "racialization" of Puerto Ricans and Mexicanos living in the U.S. Chicanos and Boricuas in the U.S. share more than they realize. Attempts to assimilate Puerto Ricans by imposing English as the language of instruction in the Puerto Rico of the early 20th Century was first tested on Mexican American children. The later rise of bilingual education and ballots was in part the federal response to the reality that Puerto Ricans are U.S. citizens and Spanish-speakers. Riding the wave of the 1960's Civil Rights movement, Chicanos and Boricuas came together in the most unexpected of places: California. Puerto Ricans struggling for Puerto Rico's independence and residing in California linked with Chicanos fighting racism. Issues such as identity, nationhood, and culture were all part of a common struggle to be human in a society that dehumanizes people of color. Today, Chicanos and Puerto Ricans face another common hurdle. The growing anti-immigrant movement wants to push Latinos into a second-class status. Propositions 187 and 209 in California, and June's anti-bilingual proposition there, mean pain and suffering for Latinos. Meanwhile, Puerto Rico, after suffering 400 years of Spanish colonial domination and 100 years of U.S. colonial paternalism, seems to be facing another half a millennia of the same. Even if a bipartisan bill in Congress sponsored by Rep. Don Young, R-Alaska, to call for a referendum on Puerto Rico's status is passed, the colonial nightmare will not end. The U.S. has convinced many of the island's residents that statehood is liberty. But Puerto Ricans who pay homage to George Washington fail to recognize the honor of Puerto Rican patriots like Pedro Albizu. They name schools after him, but they fear his ideas. Many wonder if fighting for justice after the treaties is still worthwhile. Will Puerto Ricans sell their nationhood for a bowl of lentils? Or will they gain strength from the wisdom of the Puerto Rican patriot Ramon Emeterio Betances, who said in 1898: "We don't want colony with Spain nor with the United States. Why are Puerto Ricans waiting before they rebel?" Victor M. Rodriguez teaches at Concordia University, Irvine, Calif.
Legal Service Pilot Project Helps Hispanics by Thomas K. Thornburg Farmworker Legal Services already provides free, civil legal assistance to eligible, low-income migrant and seasonal farmworkers throughout Michigan. The past year brought a dramatic increase in the demand for advice, including requests for information and assistance in becoming U.S. citizens, and counsel regarding recent changes in immigration laws affecting the rights and responsibilities of farmworkers and their families. The Hispanic farmworker population of the 9-county area of southwest Michigan is one of the largest rural concentrations in Michigan. In 1996, these counties contained 280 licensed agricultural labor camps with a total capacity for 8,482 migrating farmworkers, according to the Michigan Department of Agriculture's Farmland Services Division. Based on a 1994/95 survey of Michigan farmworkers, 51% were educated outside of the United States and 59% had limited English speaking ability. There is also a significant population of Hispanic workers and their families who have "settled-out" permanently in southwestern Michigan, as noted in JSRI's Spring '97 Nexo and the Battle Creek Enquirer's "Special Report," in July 1997. To respond to the urgent need for affordable immigration information, assistance, and referral that is noticeably absent in Michigan's southwestern counties, Farmworker Legal Services collaborated in a "pilot" outreach project with the Van Buren County office of the Michigan Family Independence Agency (formerly Department of Social Services), Catholic Family Services for the Diocese of Kalamazoo, and the Hispanic American Council of Kalamazoo. Through volunteers and "in-kind" contributions, a weekly immigration clinic was held in the F.I.A. offices near Hartford, providing free, competent, and bilingual assistance and referral services directly to the heart of the rural farmworker population. Since June, this outreach project has served more than 100 Hispanic immigrants who were in critical need of accessible advice in order to respond to legal changes affecting their immigration status. As a result of these crucial services, many immigrants and their families are now able to stay together and share in the benefits of becoming citizens and permanent legal residents of the United States. The HAC of Kalamazoo's Immigration Assistance Project hopes to build on this "pilot" outreach effort by expanding its present Hispanic Liaison program to farmworker population centers remote in Berrien and Van Buren Counties. FLS enthusiastically endorses the efforts of the HAC in providing this critical service and will continue to offer collaborative assistance to help make the project a success. The Other Struggle for Equal Schools: Mexican Americans During the Civil Rights Era. By Rubén Donato (State University of New York Press, 210 pps.). Donato's book examines the Mexican American struggle for equal education during the 1960's and 1970's in the Southwest in general and in a California community in particular. Donato challenges conventional wisdom that Mexican Americans were passive victims, accepting their educational fates. He examines how federal, state, and local educational policies corresponded with the desires of the Mexican American community. Perspectives in Mexican American Studies. Published by the Mexican American Studies and Research Center (MASRC, The University of Arizona, Tucson). Available in mid-summer, subscriptions can be purchased through the MASRC. University of Arizona Press. MASRC Economics Bldg., Rm. 208. The University of Arizona, Tucson, AZ 85721-0023 Not Room Enough: Mexicans, Anglos, and Socioeconomic Change in Texas, 1850-1900. By Kenneth L. Stewart and Arnold De Leon (University of New Mexico Press, 163 pps., $29.95 hard cover). Seeks key reasons why ethnic inequalities of social status, work, income, and literacy emerged in 19th Century Texas. Only English? Law and Language Policy in the United States. By Bill Piat (University of New Mexico Press, 224 pps., $16.95 paperback). Should English be the official language of the United States? Examined in this book are the legal and practical consequences of attempts to regulate language in a pluralistic, multi-cultural United States, especially as those efforts impinge on individual liberties. Mexican American Labor, 1790-1990. By Juan Gomez-Quiñones (University of New Mexico Press, 474 pps., $80.00 hard cover, $40 paperback). The first-ever survey of Mexican American labor history, focusing in the Southwest and California in particular. Speaking for Themselves: Neomexicano Cultural Identity and the Spanish-Language Press, 1880-1920. By Doris Meyer (University of New Mexico Press, 304 pps., $29.95 paperback). Spanish-language newspapers during territorial and early statehood years in New Mexico reveal the roots of Chicano culture. Racing Toward Big Brother: Computer Verification, ID Cards, and Immigration Control: State of Hispanic America, 1995 (M43). (National Council of La Raza, 130 pps., $15.00). A major analysis of proposals to create a nationwide computer system to verify all workers in the U.S. are authorized to work. Includes NCLR's conclusions and recommendations, executive summary, and foreword by Raul Yzaguirre. Dynamics of Immigration: Return Migration to Western Mexico. By Belinda I. Reyes (Public Policy Institute of California, order at no cost by phone 415-291-4400). In depth stories about the complex phenomenon of return migration. Homegrown Healing: Traditional Home Remedies from Mexico. By Annette
Sandoval (Berkley Publishing Group, $6.99; ISBN: 0-425-16155-2; portions
of sales benefit non-profit Latino organizations). A book for people who
would rather reach into their cupboard instead of the medicine cabinet for
relief. Most kitchens are well stocked with remedies for many common ailments.
Potatoes, garlic, and frijoles might be part of tonight's dinner, but they
also work wonders on insect bites, weak fingernails, and canker sores. Those
jars of oregano, thyme, and cinnamon go a long way in easing the pain of
indigestion, asthma, and nausea. This book also contains information on
the history and folklore behind Mexican home remedies, creating a "kitchen
clinic" for natural preventive medicines and specific treatments.
Books in the Works from JSRI Towards a New Chicana/o History. Edited by Refugio I. Rochín and Dennis N. Valdez (Michigan State University Press, forthcoming). A collection of selected papers from the 1996 symposium Toward a New Chicana/o History. A record of the most significant presentations from established and aspiring scholars at the conference. Rural Latino Communities: Cross National Perspectives. Edited by Victor Garcia, Lourdes Gouveia, José Rivera, and Refugio I. Rochín (forthcoming). An in-depth look, from a multitude of scholars, at the nation's emerging Rural Latino Communities where they live and work, their composition, and the outlook for their future. Latinos have been part of rural America for hundreds of years their "communities of labor" serving as the backbone to the nation's agricultural industry. From the "factories in the fields" to the packing plants, authors provide insight into these communities of color. Director's Message | JSRI News | Employment Opportunities | Conferences and Events | Psychology Conference | Social Capital Conference | Fellowships and Grants | News You Can Use | Latino News | Reading Matter |
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The United States is undergoing a remarkable transformation
in its racial/ethnic make-up. By 2010, Latinos will surpass African Americans
as the largest minority group. Most of this rapid Latino population growth
is not because of unchecked immigration, but, rather, because of the natural
rate of increase among today's 30 million domestic Latinos. Meanwhile, the
birth rate among the 191 million (non-Hispanic) Whites has been dropping
below its the natural replacement rate, and the 33 million African Americans
are also having smaller families.
In this age of biological cloning, selective
reproduction, and genetic engineering, the need to develop a model for dialogue
on these topics has been acknowledged.
since
1994 that are distributed and published in 30 newspapers nationwide. Based
in Albuquerque, N.M., the team is currently working on a book about America's
"racial and cultural mixture." A collection of their columns,
Gonzales & Rodriguez: Uncut and Uncensored, was recently published in
California.