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MICHIGAN'S HISPANICS: By Robert Aponte, Ph.D. Faculty Associate, JSRI & James Madison College Marcelo E. Siles, Ph.D. Research Associate, JSRI September 1994
A Publication of: Julian Samora Research Institute
The Hispanic or Latino population in Michigan is quickly becoming a more prominent member of the community. This is partly due to the group's increased population size, but it is also due to their impressive representation in the labor force, a representation among school-aged youth as well as their rapidly increasing presence in the business world. However, as subsequently shown, poverty and underrepresentation in high income jobs continue to be areas of needed attention for the advancement of Michigan's Latinos. Table Of Contents Between 1980 and 1990, the number of Latinos in Michigan showed modest growth but the relative impact of the growth was substantial due to modest or negative growth among non-Latinos. Specifically, Hispanics residing in Michigan increased by over 24 percent, from 162,440 to 201,596, thereby adding nearly 40,000 residents. During the same period, however, the non-Hispanic population actually declined by nearly 6,000. This decline hides the fact that the number of Whites in the state actually dropped by about 116,000 while the number of Blacks increased by some 93,000 (nearly eight percent), thereby minimizing the overall non-Hispanic loss. Growing Presence | Role In The Midwest | Relatively Young | Diverse Within | Summary Michigan currently holds the second highest number of Hispanics in the Midwest, after Illinois. While there are no places in the state that contain a majority or even sizable minority (greater than 25 percent) of the state's Latinos, nearly three quarters of the state's Hispanics reside in the ten most populous counties, all of which are in the lower portion of the lower peninsula (the so-called "downstate counties"). These counties contain the state's capitol and major cities; hence, Latinos' patterns of settlement, centering on key areas of the state's governance and commercial activities, also contribute to their increased prominence. Growing Presence | Role In The Midwest | Relatively Young | Diverse Within | Summary The state's Latinos are a relatively young population, as are the nation's Latinos in general. The average age for the group in Michigan is about 23.1 years, as against an average of 32.6 for the state as a whole. In relative terms, Hispanics are overrepresented within the state's population of school age children and young adults. Therefore, schooling and effective placement in the state's labor market is a considerable concern of Latinos. Growing Presence | Role In The Midwest | Relatively Young | Diverse Within | Summary "Hispanics" as a group are not entirely homogenous within this categorization. They constitute a population of several different national-origin groups with specific unifying themes. One such characteristic is Spanish, often the first language spoken at home and among family and friends. Another is a proclivity towards special historic and culture events. The major groups, in terms of numeric strength in Michigan as well as the United States, are Mexican-origin Latinos, Puerto Ricans, and Cubans. The remaining groups, often categorized as "other Hispanics," cover Latinos from South, Central America, and even Spain. In 1990, as shown in Figure 1, Hispanics accounted for only 2.2 percent of Michigan's total population. However, this proportion represents an increase from the 1980 proportion of only 1.8 percent. As noted in the figure, over 80 percent of the majority of the state's residents are White. Blacks, the largest racial minority, accounted for nearly 14 percent of the total, with Hispanics the second largest of the groups depicted in the figure. The remaining groups combined comprised less than 2 percent of the state's people.
Figure 2 shows the various nationalities that together comprise the Latino population. Mexicans, the dominant group, accounted for about 69 percent of the Hispanic population in Michigan, while Puerto Ricans, the second largest group, comprised just under 10 percent, with the remainder accounted for by Cubans (under 3 percent) and "other Hispanics." The latter account for nearly 20 percent of all Latinos in Michigan, which, according to most experts reflects more of a problem with the way Hispanics identify themselves. This proportional pattern has changed little since the last (1980) census .
Figure 3 shows that the educational attainment of Latinos, though increasing, continues to lag that of non-Latinos. As of 1990, about 61 percent of Hispanics in the state over the age of 25 had completed high school, as against over three quarters of the state's adults as a whole. Furthermore, only about 12 percent of adult Latinos had completed at least 4 years of college, while some 18 percent of all the state's adults had done so. However, the various groups comprising the state's non-Hispanic population have not done equally well, as revealed in Figure 3. Thus, while whites and Asian-Pacific Islanders show impressive levels of educational attainment, Blacks and American Indian-Eskimo/Aleuts show smaller proportions with college or advanced degrees than do Hispanics.
Figures 4A and 4B show the labor force participation rates (LFPR) and unemployment rates (UR) of Latinos and others in the state by gender. According to LFPR, Hispanics are more likely to be at work, or looking for work, than the non-Hispanic population as a whole, and this is true for men and women alike. The figures also indicate that White and Asian Pacific Islanders had very low unemployment rates among men, between 5 and 7 percent, while Hispanic men confronted over 13 percent unemployment. Over one out of five Black males were unemployed, despite a participation rate over 10 percent lower than any of the other groups. A similar pattern obtains for the women, but at lower levels. Hispanic women show higher LFPR, but also higher unemployment, than Whites or Asian-Pacific Islanders.
Figure 5 shows the relative representation of Latino workers within the standard industry categories (agriculture; construction; manufacturing; transportation, communication and public utilities; wholesale trade; finance insurance and real estate; services; and public administration). Latinos are mainly concentrated in manufacturing (20 percent), services (20 percent), and retail trade (13 percent). Agricultural workers are shown to account for only a 3 percent of Latino workers; however, if migrant workers were included (many are not because they are not present in Michigan at the time of the census), that proportion would surely rise.
Figure 6 shows a phenomenal rise in Latino entrepreneurship in Michigan in recent years (1982-1987). The number of Hispanic-owned firms grew from about 1600 in 1982 to nearly 2700 in 1987, according to data from the U.S. Economic Census Reports, based on surveys of these years. The 1992 figures, unfortunately, have not yet been released. Figure 7 reveals the industry types of Latino owned firms. In contrast to the employment figures, in which three industry types roughly captured the bulk of the workers, Hispanic businesses are overwhelmingly situated in the "services" industrial category. Retail trade, with about a third as many businesses as services, holds the second most Latino enterprises.
Figures 8A and 8B depict the median household income of Hispanics and others, for 1979 and 1989, with the latter data shown in constant dollar amounts. All groups have experienced rising incomes in nominal (unadjusted) dollars, but all groups are shown to have experienced shrinking incomes in constant (adjusted) dollars. Hispanic median income is shown to register at about $27,000 in 1989, in-between the moderately higher figures for whites and Asians/Pacific Islanders, and the substantially lower figures of others.
Figure 9 depicts poverty counts for Hispanics and others in Michigan. The poverty figures for the state's Latinos are cause for concern. Some 24 percent of Hispanics were poor in 1989, while the state average was only about 13 percent, and that for Whites a mere 9 percent, after rounding. Again, however, both Blacks and American Indian-Eskimo/Aleuts showed even greater hardship on this measure than Latinos, while Asian-Pacific Islanders appear almost as well off as Whites. Thus, despite the high rates of labor force participation and the growth in Hispanic businesses noted above, the economic conditions that many Latinos endure are anything but positive.
Growing Presence | Role In The Midwest | Relatively Young | Diverse Within | Summary This Statistical Brief paints just a part of a picture of Michigan's Hispanics. The profile shown is that of a unique population, growing at a time when non-Latino Whites are shrinking in number. The youthfulness of Latinos and their proclivity for labor force participation also point out that jobs and education are relevant policy concerns. So too is the spectre of poverty, which is extremely high in Michigan. For the gap in income to close between Latinos, non-Latino Whites, and Asian and Pacific Islanders, much more research and policy analysis will be urgently needed in the coming years. Growing Presence | Role In The Midwest | Relatively Young | Diverse Within | Summary
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